Monday, 21 March 2011

Publication of book Otto Piene by Ante Glibota

PUBLICATION OF BOOK OTTO PIENE BY ANTE GLIBOTA

Delight Edition announces the world premier presentation of a major, comprehensive monograph dedicated to one of the most important contemporary artists, Otto Piene, by the art and architecture historian and curator Ante Glibota at the Rathaus der Landeshauptstadt Düsseldorf (Düsseldorf City Hall), Marktplatz 2, 40213 Düsseldorf (Tel. 0211 89-9), in the presence of the Lord Mayor of the City of Düsseldorf, Mr. Dirk Elbers, on March 29, 2011 at 15:00 h. The artist and the author will both be present.

THE BOOK

The publication of the monograph follows twenty-three years of intensive research on the work and creative adventures of Otto Piene, one of the worldʼs leading avant-garde multimedia artists, who together with Heinz Mack founded Group ZERO in Düsseldorf in 1957.

For twenty-five years he directed the prestigious Center for Advanced Visual Studies (CAVS) at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in Cambridge, MA, USA.

Writing, editing and producing this volume has been an enormous challenge because of the complexity of Otto Pieneʼs work and career, and because of the global importance and radiance of his unique artistic approach, ideas and vision that have shaped the international art world over the past fifty years. He has, as few others of his contemporaries have, played a vital and critical role in the development and dissemination of an architecture of the essential themes engendered by new forms of visual arts, multi-media arts and experimental art. His enlightening ideas were promulgated on both sides of the Atlantic, making Otto Piene an indispensable member of the creative and artistic avant-garde of our time.

The work that preceded the bookʼs publication has left a powerful imprint on the two main protagonists and their shared sense of ʻadventureʼ, even as they remained vigilant as to the facts and to the importance of the motives that guided them. In addition to the texts of Ante Glibota and Otto Piene, the volume contains thirty-seven essays specifically written for this publication by internationally renowned art historians, art theorists and artists, which makes this volume a unique entity in the realm of art books.

1 The book is bound in a hard cover with a pellicular dust jacket.

2 It contains 756 pages, approximately 3000 illustrations. The text is bilingual in English and German.

3 It is printed on the finest Fedrigoni Kunstdruck matt paper of 150 gr weight.

4 The size of the book is 30x30cm; it has a thickness of 6 cm and weighs 5.7 kg.5 It is published by Delight Edition Ltd., Paris, and was printed by Grafiche Tintoretto in Treviso, Italy.

6 The price of the book is € 200 plus shipping.

THE ARTIST OTTO PIENE

A multi-faceted artist with numerous creative interests, Otto Piene is not only an essential creator of our times, and one of its most inventive, but he is, without a doubt, one of the most sensitive and attentive observers of the changes occurring between mankind and nature. He carries within himself a structured thought process that in its broad dimension and its philosophical, as well as aesthetical depth enables us to penetrate deep inside the mysteries of art, poetry and life itself.

Otto Piene was born in Bad Laasphe, Westphalia, on April 18th, 1928 and grew up in Lübbecke. He comes from a family of several generations of Protestant ministers. His grandfather had a wide range of interests, including philosophy and ancient mathematics, and authored numerous books.

After returning from military and POW service, Otto Piene in 1948 enrolled in the private Munich art school Blocherer Schule and later in the Hochschule der Bildenden Künste in Munich in 1949. In 1950 he continued his studies at the Academy of Fine Arts in Düsseldorf (Staatliche Kunstakademie) and Cologne University (Albertus Magnus Universität), where he completed his state examination in philosophy with distinction in 1957. In 1955 he established his first studio at Gladbacherstrasse 69 and founded, together with Heinz Mack, the Group ZERO. In 1964 he moved to the United States and in 1968 became the first international Fellow at the Center for Advanced Visual Studies (CAVS) of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in Cambridge, MA, at the invitation of György Kepes. He succeeded Kepes as Professor and Director of CAVS in 1974 and became MIT Professor Emeritus and CAVS Director Emeritus in 1994.

He has presented more then 130 solo exhibitions and participated in hundreds of group exhibitions. He has staged well over 100 Light Ballet performances and some 100 Sky Events. His work is included in more than 140 of the worldʼs finest museums, including the Museum of Modern Art (MOMA) and the Metropolitan Museum in New York City.

Otto Piene and his wife Elizabeth Goldring Piene, live and work at their farm in Groton, Massachusetts. They also have studios in Boston, at MIT, Berlin and Düsseldorf.

THE AUTHOR ANTE GLIBOTA

The art and architectural historian, author and curator, was born in Slivno, Croatia.

He studied at the University of Zagreb and Sorbonne University in Paris and has lived in Paris since 1973, where he has maintained close bonds with artistic and intellectual circles all over the world. In1978 he started to work for the Paris Art Center, active in the fields of experimental film, theatre, modern dance and the fine arts. In 1979 he was appointed artistic director and later, in 1982, director general of the Paris Art Center, a position he held until 1994. He was the commissioner and editor for the event “Olympiad of Arts” that took place in Seoul (South Korea) on the occasion of the 1988 Olympic Games and led to the creation of the largest open air sculpture park in the world. More recently, he was appointed curator and editor of “Art and Sport”, an exhibition organized by Adidas and the IOC for the Olympic Games 2008 in Beijing. As author and publisher of over 200 books and catalogues, and curator of more than 400 exhibitions devoted to contemporary art, architecture and literature, Ante Glibota is a Titular Member of the European Academy of Sciences, Arts and Humanities and an Honorary Member of the American Institute of Architects. In 2004, the China International Culture Exchange Center (CICEC) in Beijing appointed him to a five-year term
as Foreign Counselor for International Cultural Exchanges. Since 2010 he serves as VicePresident and Curator-in-Chief of the Museum of Art and Urbanity in Shanghai. Ante Glibota lives in Paris, France and Shanghai, China

Wednesday, 26 January 2011

Croatian Language Introductory Course - Contents of the 30 lessons


HRVATSKI JEZIK - CROATIAN LANGUAGE
Croatian Language Introductory Course - Contents of the 30 lessons
All lessons are accompanied by sound files in the Croatian language. This summary includes only the main themes of each lesson. They are accompanied by texts and information on history, geography and culture of Croatia.
Lesson 1 - Letters and Numbers. Their writing and pronunciation - Vocabulary.
Lesson 2 – Present of the verb biti. Preposition iz; use of the genitive. Question words: tko?, što?, odakle?.
Lesson 3 - Countries and capital cities. Nominative, genitive. Nouns (masculine, feminine and neuter). Singular and plural nouns. Verb biti, emphatic forms: interrogative, positive and negative.
Lesson 4 - Presentation. Different situations. Adjectives: masculine, feminine and neuter. Present of verbs živjeti and govoriti. Countries, nationalities and their languages.
Lesson 5 - Verbs. The four groups of verbs with their conjugations. The preposition "u", and its use with the locative case. Possessive pronouns.
Lesson 6 - The nominative case for nouns and adjectives.
Lesson 7 - The genitive case. The genitive case to answer the questions: Koga? - čega?. The locative case. Declination of the words with the prepositions na and u.
Lesson 8 - Plurals of genitive and locative cases. Possessive pronouns in the nominative singular.
Lesson 9 - Possessive pronouns in the nominative plural. Parts of the body. Verbs raditi, crtati, sanjati, hodati and spavati.
Lesson 10 – Verbs voljeti and imati. The accusative case.
Lesson 11 - Review of the locative case: The locative singular of masculine, feminine and neuter nouns.
Lesson 12 - Present the verb ići. Adverbs of time.
Lesson 13 - Time expressions: Koliko je sati?; ujutro; navečer; poslije podne / popodne; poslije ponoći / po ponoći. The days of the week.
Lesson 14 - Review of some verbs. More verbs. The locative case with prepositions: o and prema. Verbs jesti and piti.
Lesson 15 - Verbs jesti, piti and moliti, use of nouns in the accusative and genitive cases.
Lesson 16 - The imperative. The imperative positive. The negative imperative and its two forms.
Lesson 17 - The Imperative - Part Two. Conjugation of the verbs trebati, morati, doći, ići and pisati, in the present and the imperative. The imperative for the third person. The imperative of the verb biti.
Lesson 18 - Possessive pronouns in the nominative. The plural possessive pronouns. The family. Ordinal numbers. The months of the year.
Lesson 19 - Possessive pronouns. Declination of ordinal numbers in the accusative, genitive and locative cases.
Lesson 20 - Situations and vocabulary: The Post Office and the Bank. Verbs moći, željeti and morati. The dative case, singular and plural.
Lesson 21 - The instrumental case. Cases where the instrumental answers to s kim?. Cases where the instrumental answers to čime?. The instrumental case indicating location.
Lesson 22 - We present two Croatian songs Croats and two interviews, which can be read and heard in Croatian, and their translation into English.
Lesson 23 - The vocative case. The vocative in Croatian literature.
Lesson 24 - Past tense. Past participle of the verb biti. Negative form of the past tense. Particularities of the past tense.
Lesson 25 - The past tense of reflexive verbs.
Lesson 26 - Collective nouns. Their declination. The verb imati: its use in the accusative and genitive cases.
Lesson 27 - Declination of personal pronouns. Stressed and unstressed forms.
Lesson 28 - In this lesson we present two songs and two interviews, in both Croatian and English.
Lesson 29 - The future tense. The verb htjeti. Negative and interrogative forms in the future.
Lesson 30 - The future tense - Part II. Future of reflexive verbs - affirmative and negative forms.

National Federation of Croatian Americans - Letter to US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton

National Federation of Croatian Americans Cultural Foundation Issues Text of Letter to US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton Concerning Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina
(Washington, D.C.)  The National Federation of Croatian Americans Cultural Foundation (NFCA CF) released today the text of a letter from its President, John P. Kraljic, addressed to US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton.  In the letter, Mr. Kraljic expressed the NFCA CF’s growing concern with the status of Croats and the Roman Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH).

The NFCA CF had been motivated in part by a recent letter from Bishop Franjo Komarica of Banja Luka to officials of the Republika Srpska (RS) complaining about the apparent connivance of RS police forces with attacks on personal and real property of Croats in Bishop Komarica’s Diocese.  In his letter to Secretary Clinton, Mr. Kraljic further expressed the NFCA CF’s belief that the subordination of the constitutional, political and economic rights of Croats in BiH has led both to the trampling of Croat rights in RS as well as elsewhere in the country.  Mr. Kraljic specifically called on Secretary Clinton not to sanction any settlements concerning the future of BiH that may be reached between Serb and Bosniak leaders at the expense of the Croats and Catholics of the country.

The full text of Mr. Kraljic’s letter is attached.

The NFCA CF is the national umbrella organization of Croatian American groups that collectively represents approximately 130,000 members.  For additional public affairs information, please contact Mr. Joe Foley, Public Affairs Director, at (301) 294-0937, or NFCA CF Headquarters at (301) 208-6650.  The email address is NFCAhdq@verizon.net.  For recent newsletters, important NFCA CF membership application and chapter information, and other Croatian American news please visit the Web Site at www.nfcaonline.com.


National Federation of Croatian Americans Cultural Foundation (NFCA CF)2401 Research Blvd,  Suite 115
Rockville,  MD  20850
PHONE: (301) 208-6650 
FAX:  (301) 208-6659 
E-MAIL:  nfcahdq@verizon.net
WEB SITE:  www.nfcaonline.com 


NFCA

NATIONAL FEDERATION OF CROATIAN AMERICANS

____ ____

The Honorable Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
US Department of State
2201 C Street, NW
Washington, DC 20520

Dear Madame Secretary:

The National Federation of Croatian Americans Cultural Foundation wishes to express its continued concern with the status of Croats and the Roman Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH).

Since the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords (DPA) in November 1995, the situation of the Croats and the Catholic Church in BiH has steadily deteriorated. On one hand, the hundreds of thousands of ethnically cleansed Croats in the Republika Srpska (RS), along with the predominately Muslim Bosniaks, remain subject to continued pressure forestalling their return to their homes. On the other hand, Croats in the Bosniak-Croat Federation have found that the Federation’s peculiar constitutional provisions have effectively left them without a voice in the three-man presidency of BiH.

The ongoing problems confronting Catholics and Croats in BiH have been recently highlighted again by Bishop Franjo Komarica of Banja Luka, whose diocese is based in the RS. A January 12, 2011, report by the Catholic Press Agency of Bosnia’s Bishops’ Conference notes that Bishop Komarica had sent a letter the previous day to the head of the Center for Public Security (CPS) in Banja Luka. The letter detailed numerous cases of the destruction of personal and real property of Croat returnees from the area, including in Šimići, Ivanjska, and Raljaš. In each of these cases, the complaints of the local Croats have been ignored by local RS police forces that are, apparently, working in concert with the perpetrators.

At first glance these incidents may appear to be nothing more than acts of petty crime. However, we believe that - given the history of the RS and the continued threats made by RS leaders to secede from BiH - they are part of an organized attempt to pressure the Croats of the RS to either leave the territory of the RS or to cow them into remaining silent in opposing the position taken by RS authorities concerning the future of BiH.

The fact that the Croats of Banja Luka feel compelled to turn to their Bishop for assistance with respect to these crimes further shows the legal and constitutional inadequacies of the DPA as it relates to the protection of the political rights for all Croats in BiH. This most recently became evident yet again after the re-election of Željko Komšić of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) to the seat reserved for Croats in the three-man Presidency
of BiH.

While we certainly do not deny the legitimacy of President Komšić’s election, we must note that his election to this position had been, as practically all observers recognize, achieved almost exclusively through the votes of Bosniak supporters of the SDP in the Federation. The SDP has taken the position that BiH must be January 24, 2011 restructured as a unitary state. This is contrary to the position taken by the large majority of Croat political
parties in BiH. The latter fear that such a restructuring of the country, where the government will be elected based on a rule of one man-one vote, would cause the interests of Croats (the smallest of BiH’s three constituent peoples) to be subordinated to the domination of the numerically superior Serbs and Bosniaks. Such a political regimen would eliminate the already weak institutional safeguards that protect the Croats of BiH.

These weak safeguards have had real economic consequences as the state-dominated economy steers its largesse toward Bosniak and Serb dominated areas at the expense of the Croats. This has in turn caused the declining and alarming demographic position of Croats in BiH to deteriorate further.

Madame Secretary, we ask that the U.S. State Department take the foregoing into account and make known its displeasure with the attacks being undertaken against Croats in the RS. We respectfully request that your Department forcefully make known that it will not sanction any political, economic, legal, or constitutional settlements that may be reached between Serb and Bosniak leaders at the expense of the Croats and Catholics of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

If the National Federation of Croatian Americans may provide additional information regarding our concerns as stated above, we would be pleased to do so. Your staff may contact the NFCA’s Public Affairs Director, Mr. Joe Foley, in Washington on telephone 301-294-0937.

Thank you.

Sincerely,

John P. Kraljic
President

JK:jf

CC:
US Senator John Kerry, Chair, Senate Foreign Relations Committee
US Senator Richard Lugar, Ranking Member, Senate Foreign Relations Committee
US Senator Mark Begich
US Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Chair, House Foreign Affairs Committee
US Representative Howard Berman, Ranking Member, House Foreign Affairs Committee
US Representatives Peter Visclosky and Elton Gallegly, Congressional Croatian Caucus
Msgr. David Malloy, General Secretary, US Conference of Catholic Bishops
Bishop Howard Hubbard, Chair, Committee on International Justice and Peace, USCCB

National Federation of Croatian Americans

2401 Research Boulevard, Suite 115, Rockville, MD 20850 USA
Phone: (301) 208-6650 Fax: (301) 208-6659 E-mail: nfcahdq@verizon.net
www.nfcaonline.com

Tuesday, 23 November 2010

Misa conmemorativa: dr. Franjo Tudjman y colaboradores de Studia Croatica

HDZ - Hrvatska Demokratska Zajednica - Unión Democrática Croata y la Redacción de Studia Croatica invitan a la Misa que se celebrará el domingo 28 de noviembre en el Centro Católico Croata en conmemoración del Fundador y Primer Presidente de la República de Croacia, dr. Franjo Tudjman, en el undécimo aniversario de su fallecimiento. También rezaremos por los colaboradores fallecidos de la revista Studia Croatica y del Instituto de Cultura Croata en el 50 aniversario de su fundación.

Av. Ricardo Balbín (ex del Tejar) 4925, Ciudad de Buenos Aires
La Misa comienza a las 11:30 horas

Learn Croatian

Learn Croatian


The Institute for Croatian Culture – Studia Croatica (established 1960) offers a Course in Croatian Language – Introductory Level. The course is given using the resources of the Internet.

It consists of a series of 30 lessons which are sent weekly to the students (7 months). The lessons are texts which contain the elements of Croatian grammar and conversation. Translations and explanations are provided in English. Lessons are sent every Monday.

The lessons include sound files, as well as exercises for the student to solve (at his own pace). The solved exercises can be sent to the instructors, who correct and return them back to the students.

The instructors will answer questions or doubts posed by the students.

The instructors are Adriana Smajic and Joza Vrljicak.

For more information, write to studiacroatica@gmail.com

Croatian Internet Course -

Croatia: Myth and Reality (21) - C. Michael McAdams - Myth: "The Serbo-Croatian Language"

CROATIA: MYTH AND REALITY
C. Michael McAdams

MYTH: "THE SERBO-CROATIAN LANGUAGE"

Myth: Serbs and Croatians speak a single common language known as "Serbo-Croatian."

Reality: Croatians speak Croatian, which is written with the Latin Alphabet, and Serbs speak Serbian, which is written with the Cyrillic alphabet ("Serbian Alphabet").

It became apparent by 1995 that Yugoslavia was dead. Despite that, many in the Western media and in academia kept its spirit alive by referring to a "Serbo-Croatian" language despite the fact that there never was a single "Serbo-Croatian" tongue.

The Camel and the Virgin

It is true that Serbian and Croatian are very similar, sharing personal pronouns and seven identical cases. But Serbian is written with the Cyrillic or Russian alphabet and Croatian is written with the Latin alphabet. Each has thousands of words that are totally different, including such common names as those of the months and even the words for "book" or "library." Moreover, thousands of other words have vastly different meanings in the two languages, sometimes with humorous result. A Serb referring to a nursing baby as odojce will have called the child a pig in Croatian. A Serbian railroad train, voz is a Croatian hay cart. A camel in Croatian, Deva can be the Virgin Mary in Serbian. There is no question, even by supporters of "Serbo- Croatian," that the two languages, even if taken as variants, are much less similar than Norwegian and Danish, or Flemish and Dutch among European languages.

The Language of Politics

"Serbo-Croatian" was used throughout the history of Yugoslavia as a political tool to homogenize the South Slavic peoples into a single nation; obviously without success. The very concept of a single South Slavic language can only be traced back to the mid- nineteenth century. In 1918 when the Serbian Army first occupied Croatia, one of its first tasks was to rip down every road sign, every railway station sign, every post office sign written in Croatian and replace them with signs in Serbian. In 1991, history repeated itself as the Serbian army destroyed Croatian signs in occupied Croatia and Bosnia.

The Language of Dictatorship

Under the Serbian Royal dictatorship of 1929-1934, the government did everything possible to force the Serbian language upon the peoples of Bosnia, Croatia and even Slovenia. Croatian children in Bosnia and southern Dalmatia were forced to use the Cyrillic alphabet in school. Many were prosecuted for criticizing the official "Serbo-Croatian" language. Despite that, all major Serbian and Croatian scholars, including Radosav Boskovic in 1935, Julije Bensic in 1939, Petar Guberina and Kruno Krstic in 1940, continued to recognize the separateness of the two languages.

Such modern scholars as Branko Franolic, Dalibor Broiovid, the late Francis Eterovich, Christopher Spalatin and Ivo Banac, all agreed. Professor Banac of Yale wrote "...Serbian ekavian was pushed through as Yugoslavia's official language, most often in Cyrillic garb. Nor could it have been otherwise. There was nothing neutral in the acceptance of ekavian, which was frequently the code word for the wholesale adoption of Serb linguistic practices, including Serb lexical wealth. In short, Belgrade political centralism had a parallel linguistic direction, which amounted to the infiltration of Serbian terms and forms throughout Yugoslavia by means of the military, civil administration and schools,"

The Language of the Revolution

After World War II, despite promises of the Revolution, a single "Serbo-Croatian" language was, again to quote Banac, "grafted onto Marxist ideological imperatives." The government, the Party, the military, and the media were forced to use "Serbo-Croatian," which increasingly became Serbian with Latin letters in Croatia.

The only reason that "Serbo-Croatian" existed and the only reason it was forced upon unwilling populations were the politics of an artificial Yugoslavia united by force against the will of the majority of its population. Branko Franolic wrote: "The linguistic convergence between the two languages, Croatian and Serbian, has been encouraged and hastened for political reasons by the Belgrade Federal Government which has imposed as "official language" the Serbian language already in use in the political, administrative and military spheres. Serbian has been used for political ends as a cohesive force within the "nation-state" of Yugoslavia. For that matter, the convergence between the two languages concerns not only the language but the organization and the social structure in which Serbian is the dominant language and Croatian the dominated."
The Language of the Past

Yugoslavia is dead. Neither an artiticial language, artificial borders, or a Stalinist demagogue like Slobodan Milosevic could restore the historical mistake that was Yugoslavia. Scholarly and professional organizations throughout the world have discontinued use of the term "Serbo-Croatian." Yet many in the media and academia cling to this linguistic fabrication. Each is entitled to an opinion. However, such scholars and organizations as Luka Budak, Chair of Croatian Studies at Macquarie University in Sydney, Ivo Banac at Yale University, the University of Zagreb, the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, and the Serbian Academy in Belgrade, assert that the language of the Croatian people is Croatian.

Many governments no longer recognize "Serbo-Croatian" as a language at all. The U.S. State Department, the Voice of America, and the U.S. Defense Language Institute, among others, all recognize Serbian and Croatian as separate languages, as do major universities large enough to have separate South Slavic language programs, such as Macquarie University in Sydney. Finally, in 1988, the International Organization for Standardization in Switzerland restored "Croatian" and "Serbian" to its listing of the world's languages. The listings had been replaced by "Serbo-Croatian" in 1970 at Belgrade's insistence.

There were still those who ignored such scholars, institutions, and governments and continued to refer to the "Serbo-Croatian" language. When the Serbian propaganda film Vukovar: Poste Restante toured North America in 1996 it was advertised as "Serbo-Croatian with English subtitles." There were also those who longed for a restored Yugoslavia. Clinging to the relics of the past did not change myth into reality.

Croatia: Myth and Reality (20) - C. Michael McAdams - Myth: "Borders were Drawn to Benefit Croatia"

CROATIA: MYTH AND REALITY
C. Michael McAdams

MYTH: "BORDERS WERE DRAWN TO BENEFIT CROATIA"

Myth: Serbia's borders with Croatia and Bosnia were drawn up secretly by Tito, a Croatian, in 1943 benefiting Croatia at the expense of Serbia.

Reality: Croatia's border with Serbia is essentially the same as in 1848 and 1918, with the exception of those lands taken from Croatia and given to Serbia and Montenegro under both Yugoslav regimes.

From the launching of wars of aggression against Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia-Hercegovina, Serbia attempted to rationalize seizing the lands of others by asserting that the internal borders of the former Yugoslavia were merely administrative lines drawn after World War II. The myth is that Tito, a Croatian, drew the internal boundaries of Yugoslavia to the advantage of the Croatians and Bosnians and to the disadvantage of Serbia. The objective of the myth was to stress to the world that the borders of the former Yugoslav republics were merely administrative boundaries with no historical significance. Once this myth was taken as reality the reasoning follows that such trivial borders are subject to change, by force if need be, to favor Serbia.

Although sections of Croatia and Bosnia were governed by different branches of the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman Empires, the eastern borders of Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina were established in their current form with the Treaty of Passarowitz in 1718 and, with the exception of those places where Serbia has seized land from Croatia, those borders have changed little since 1848.

Serbia has expanded its borders after each of its numerous wars since 1813. Today Serbia controls more territory than at any time in modern history. In the north, it has annexed the lands of the Hungarians and Croatians. In the south, two hundred thousand Serbs rule over two million ethnic Albanians in the absolute police state of Kosova. Montenegro became a mere Serbian province. In the west, one half of Bosnia was sacrificed to Serbian aggression by the "Great Powers" in 1995.

The myth that Serbian lands were held by Croatia was employed by the Serbian government to launch a war of aggression to seize valuable gas and oil fields, rail and shipping corridors and port facilities. Eastern Slavonia, where Serbian aggression resulted in the complete devastation of the ancient city of Vukovar, had a Serbian population of 16.4% according to the 1991 census. Dubrovnik, which endured months of siege by Serbian forces, had a Serbian population of only 6.2% in 1991. Neither region was ever a part of Serbia.

Croatia's Ancient Borders

Like most European nations, the borders of Croatia changed over the preceding thousand years reflecting the ebbs and flows of the great empires. When King Tomislav united Pannonian and Dalmatian Croatia in 925, the Byzantine Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus chronicled that Croatia encompassed some 100,000 square kilometers (38,600 square miles), with a population exceeding two million, and fielded 60,000 horsemen, 100,000 foot soldiers, 80 galleys and one hundred cutters, a formidable state for tenth century Europe.

At that time, the Serbs were dominated by Bulgar Byzantine rulers and establish their first state in 1170. Serbia attained its zenith under Czar Stephen Dusan who died in 1355. His death resulted in civil war among Serbian chieftains, leading to a Turkish invasion. The Serbs suffered a staggering defeat at the battle of Kosova in 1389 and another at Smederevo in 1459. Serbia remained only as an Ottoman vassal province well into the nineteenth century when it was wholly reestablished as an self-governing state by the Treaty of Berlin in 1878.

Bosnia and Serbia have been separated by the River rina since Theodosius the Great deemed it so 395 A.D. boundary divided the Eastern and Western Roman Empires and was always the dividing line between East and West, Orthodoxy and Catholicism, Latin and Cyrillic. The Bosnian border, far from being a creation of Tito, is without doubt one of the oldest on earth.

The expansion of the Ottoman Empire in the fifteenth century also had enormous effect on the size and character of Croatia. The Croatian lands of Bosnia and Hercegovina were absorbed by the Ottomans in 1463 and 1482, diminishing Croatia to a 16,000 square mile crescent defending Europe from the Turks. In 1699, the Habsburgs regained all of Croatia and Slavonia and colonized Germans and a substantial number of fleeing Serbs into Slavonia and Vojvodina. Upon the defeat of Napoleon, the Congress of Vienna incorporated Illyria into Austria.
Serbian Expansionism

Even when still an Ottoman principality, Serbia gained territory in 1833 and 1878, bringing its size to some 18,500 square miles. The newly established Serbian state almost immediately began to covet its neighbors' lands and developed the official slogan "Serbia must expand or die!" Serbian expansionism was first directed toward the south into Macedonia and west toward the Adriatic through Bosnia and Hercegovina. In order to thwart Serbia's westward expansion, the Austrian protectorate of Bosnia-Hercegovina was annexed to the Empire in October 1908. As various European powers took sides supporting AustriaHungary or Serbia in diplomatic and military alliances, the groundwork was laid for confrontation and the eruption of what would come to be called the First World War.

Denied Bosnia, Serbia turned to Macedonia, then a nart of the Ottoman Empire. The Balkan War of 1912 freed Macedonia from Turkey but led to a squabble over the spoils between the victors Bulgaria and Serbia. Aided by Greece and Romania, Serbia defeated Bulgaria and seized the lion's share of Macedonia and all of Kosova. Only the establishment of a new Albanian state prevented Serbia from reaching the Adriatic.

Within the Habsburg Empire

When the Croatians elected a Habsburg as their king in 1527, they did so with the understanding that the crown would honor the rights, statutes and customs of the Croatian Kingdom. While this principle was often violated by Hungary and Austria, Croatia maintained a great deal of autonomy and its ancient Sabor or Parliament and Ban or Viceroy. By 1914, the Croatians were on the verge of restoring their full political rights within the Empire.

The heir to the throne, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, was a progressive who envisioned a new Empire based upon elevated recognition of the Kingdom of Croatia. Many historians believe that Ferdinand envisaged replacing the "Dualism" of Austria-Hungary with the "Trialism" of Austria-Hungary-Croatia or even a federal system based upon the American or Swiss model under a single benevolent Emperor. The specter of such a Croatian state, perhaps encompassing Bosnia-Hercegovina, presented a significant threat to Serbia's vision of westward expansion and a "Greater Serbia." On Serbia's National Day, June 28, 1914, Gavrilo Princip, a member of the Serbian terrorist organization "Black Hand," assassinated Archduke Ferdinand and his wife in Sarajevo. Princip was one of seven assassins sent by Colonel Dragutin "Apis" Dimitrijevid, Chief of lntelligence. Within weeks Europe was at war.

Yugoslavia

Serbia made no secret of its objectives in the War. As early as September 4, 1914, the Serbian government circulated a letter to all of its diplomatic missions calling the war an opportunity to establish "a strong southwest-Slav state [to] be created out of Serbia, in which all Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes would be included." Serbia was more than amenable to bargaining away Croatian lands to Italy in a secret annex to the Treaty of London in 1915 in order to fulfill the dream of a "Greater Serbia." Making use of the well intended but unelected Yugoslav Committee, Serbia with the support of the victorious Allies, annexed Croatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Slovenia and Montenegro in 1918 into the new Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Contrary to popular myth, no consent either of the Croatian or Bosnian peoples or their representatives was ever granted to form Yugoslavia. To the Serbs, the new state was "Greater Serbia," with a Serbian king, ruling from the Serbian capital with Serbian laws.

The borders of the Triune Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia- Dalmatia and those of Bosnia-Hercegovina in 1918 were roughly those that had been in place since 1848. In the north, Croatia acquired two small territories from Hungary, Medimurje and Baranja, but lost several coastal islands to Italy in negotiations between 1918 and 1920.

When King Alexander proclaimed himself absolute dictator and changed the name of the country to Yugoslavia in 1929, he abolished the traditional borders and reorganized the country into nine banovinas (groups of countries), named after rivers and the prefecture of Belgrade. Croatia was partitioned into the 15,649 square mile Banovina of Savska, essentially Croatia proper and Slavonia, and the 7,587 square mile Banovina of Primorska, primarily Dalmatia. While some traditionally Bosnian territory was added to Primorska Banovina, the oil and mineral rich region of Srijem, Croatian since 1718, went to the Serbian Banovina of Dunavska.
Banovina of Croatia

From 1918 through 1938, Yugoslavia had thirty-five governments with a total of 656 ministers. Only twenty-six had been Croatians. The top-heavy Army had 161 generals. One, in charge of supply, was a Croatian. In the elections of December 1938, the Croatian Peasant Party and its leader Vladko Macek were defeated by a very close count of 1,364,524 to 1,643,783 for the royalist government. Given the fraud and terrorism common to all Yugoslav elections, it was apparent that the Peasant Party had won a stunning victory. Even government figures confirmed that over 650,000 Serbs had voted for Macek. Despite this, the Stojadinovic government refused to recognize the results or form a coalition government. Confronted with the threat of armed insurrection, Prince Paul sacked Stojadinovic and replaced him with Dragisa Cvetkovid. He was a former mayor of Nis and a person open to negotiation concerning the "Croatian Question." The result was the Sporazum or "Agreement" of August 26, 1939 which formed the semi-autonomous Banovina of Croatia covering 38,600 square miles with a population of almost four and one-half million, 80 per cent of whom were Croatian. The new Croatian Banovina was connected to Yugoslavia only in matters of defense, foreign relations and a common postal system. Its borders included all of the two previous Banovinas, portions of western Bosnia and a portion of western Hercegovina. Eastern Srijem and the strategic bay of Kotor with the southernmost tip of Dalmatia remained in Serbian hands.

The Independent State of Croatia

The formation of the Banovina of Croatia was a gesture that could have saved Yugoslavia in 1918, but coming only a week before the outbreak of World War II, it was simply too little, much too late. When Yugoslavia disintegrated at the first sign of German troops, a new Independent State of Croatia (NDH), was established on April 10, 1941. Its borders, which incorporated Bosnia-Hercegovina, were finalized by the Treaty of Rome on May 18. While Germany was willing to recognize the pre-1918 borders of Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina in the new state, Italy demanded and received most of the Dalmatian coast and established an occupation zone comprising almost one third of the country. The NDH covered some 46,300 square miles with a population of 6,750,000. Internally the state was divided into 23 prefects or velike zupe which were further divided into 142 districts and cities. Although Italian Dalmatia technically reverted back to the NDH upon the fall of Italy in 1943, much of the region was in Partizan control for the remainder of War.

The Second Yugoslavia

Tens of thousands of Croatians fought and died in the Croatian Partizan brigades that began the Liberation War under Josip Tito on June 22, 1941. The Partizans promised a new Croatian Republic, with full rights and autonomy, within a new federated Yugoslavia.

After the Partizan victory, a commission was instituted to determine the borders of the new Yugoslav state. That commission was headed by Milovan Djilas, a Serb from Montenegro, and included ministers from Serbia, Croatia and Vojvodina. In the west, Croatia recovered all of Italian Dalmatia, including Zadar and Istria. After years of negotiations, the border was finalized in 1954, with Croatia gaining most of Istria, the city of Zadar and those islands occupied by Italy between the World Wars. In the south, the commission gave Montenegro access to the sea by removing the port of Kotor and the surrounding districts from Croatia. In the north Croatia's border returned to its pre-war configuration with the inclusion of Medjimurje and Baranja which had been Hungarian prior to 1918 and which had been seized by Hungary during World War II.

The borders of the Banovina of Croatia included a great deal of territory traditionally part of Bosnia-Hercegovina, including the cities of Travnik and Mostar. In 1945 the border was returned to 1918 boundaries with minor adjustments in the Bihac area where a number of Croatian villages were given to Bosnia-Hercegovina. But it was on the border with Serbia that Croatia would endure its greatest territorial loss in 1945. The oil and mineral rich eastern Srijem region, with the city of Zemun, Croatian territory since 1718, but partitioned by Alexander in 1929, was joined to Serbian Vojvodina. In the Serbian wars of aggression of 1991-1995, Serbia attempted to seize even more of eastern Slavonia while Croatia made no territorial claim to Srijem.
The Republic of Croatia

The Croatian people declared themselves to be free and independent on June 25, 1991. One year later, virtually the entire world had recognized Croatia within the borders designated in 1945. The overwhelming majority of Croatia's twelve hundred mile border is based upon ancient boundaries that Croatia brought with her into Yugoslavia in 1918. In those areas where the borders were changed, Serbia gained and Croatia lost. Despite this fundamental reality, the Republic of Croatia made no territorial claims against any other nation. Since 1813, Serbia and Serbia alone has constantly expanded in its quest of a "Greater Serbia" stretching from Bulgaria to the Adriatic Sea. It is a quest that has cost the lives of millions over the past century and one-half and caused the most brutal war in Europe since World War II. As in the previous wars of Serbian aggression, Serbia was rewarded for its brutality as one-half of Bosnia was given to Greater Serbia in 1995 through the Dayton partition.

Serbia's Unquenchable Thirst

Even with this prize, Serbia's unquenchable thirst for the lands of others was not satiated. After the Dayton partition was signed and sealed, "Yugoslavia" as "Greater Serbia" still called itself, laid claim to the tiny isthmus or prevlaka of Ogtra, a spit of land only 170 meters wide at the entry to the harbor of Boka, Montenegro. All of the harbor and the land around it was Croatian for centuries, but the harbor itself was given to Montenegro after World War II, and its Croatian population (a majority in 1945) was driven out. In 1996, just as in 1918, the so-called "Great Powers" could not comprehend why Croatia would want to keep its lands out of Serbian hands and urged "negotiations" to mediate the "dispute." Prevlaka was a part of the Republic of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) from the fifteenth century until 1808 and a part of Dalmatia since. In all of history, it was never a part of Montenegro or Serbia. But having stolen the Bay of Kotor in 1949 and driven out its majority Croatian population in the years following, the small peninsula was seen as a threat to the security of the natural harbor that is home to the "Yugoslav" Navy.

The reality is that neither in the twentieth century nor in the past, has Serbia lost one square kilometer, on a map or on the ground, to Bosnia or Croatia. Serbia's dream of a "Greater Serbia" became a nightmare for the fourth time in the twentieth century. It is time for such myths about Croatian and Bosnian borders attempting to justify that nightmare to be put to rest.